Administrative law

  • July 29, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Nicholas Bagley, Assistant Professor of Law, University of Michigan Law School.


    These are heady days for administrative law. In hearing after hearing on Capitol Hill, members of Congress have examined the virtues and vices of a host of pending bills that aim to encumber regulatory decision-making. There are bills to require congressional approval before major regulations take effect, bills to subject informal agency guidance to notice-and-comment rulemaking, and bills demanding the elimination of one regulation every time another is imposed. For all their differences, however, the bills share a common purpose: to put the kibosh on what their sponsors decry as job-killing regulations.

    This is all a bit surreal. Hobbling federal agencies makes sense if the burdens of regulation systematically exceed the public benefits. But they don’t. In comprehensive studies, both Republican and Democratic administrations have repeatedly found that regulation confers substantial net benefits. The notion that federal bureaucrats as a group are heedless of social costs — or worse, that they regulate just for the thrill of it — has no foundation in either fact or theory.

    The truth is that some agencies grow so close to industry groups that they may not regulate diligently enough. A few examples:

  • June 29, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Ann C. Hodges, Professor of Law, University of Richmond School of Law


    Critics of the National Labor Relations Board’s (NLRB) complaint against Boeing Corporation have claimed that the complaint is unprecedented, motivated by political rather than legal considerations.  Members of Congress have written articles, held hearings, and threatened elimination of the agency.  While the facts remain to be fully developed in a hearing which began on June 14, the essence of the complaint is that Boeing decided to produce some of its Dreamliner jets in South Carolina because of the union’s prior strikes at its plant in Washington. 

    The case raises an interesting legal issue, but it is certainly not so novel as to suggest a purely political decision.  The National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) expressly protects the employees’ right to strike and to join together in a union to improve their wages and working conditions.   Interference with those rights using threats, coercion or discrimination is prohibited.  The NLRB is tasked with enforcing the law where investigation reveals that a violation may have occurred.  Public statements from company officials indicated that the decision to locate production in South Carolina and seek outside suppliers for some parts was based on previous strikes by the unionized employees in Washington.  According to the NLRB’s complaint, these statements also suggested that the unionized employees stood to lose future work because of their frequent strikes.

    The NLRB regularly issues complaints against employers who threaten employees with loss of work or discriminate against employees because of their union activity, usually without such public evidence of motive.  In numerous prior cases this discrimination has taken the form of discharge, discipline, contracting out the employees’ work, eliminating a department, relocating operations, or even closing a plant.  So long as the motive is to discourage protected union activity, the conduct is unlawful.  And that is the allegation here. 

    Where employers have legitimate business reasons for discriminating against strikers or employees who have engaged in protected union activity, the NLRB may find the action lawful despite its adverse impact on the employees and the potential for chilling their future exercise of legal rights.  The interesting legal question here is whether the Board or the courts will find Boeing’s desire for a dual source to avoid the impact of the strike to be a lawful and legitimate business reason, where it has expressly tied the decision to its employees protected activity.

  • June 27, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Rena Steinzor, President of the Center for Progressive Reform and Professor, University of Maryland School of Law


    A series of catastrophic regulatory failures in recent years has focused attention on the weakened condition of regulatory agencies assigned to protect public health, worker and consumer safety, and the environment. The failures are the product of a destructive convergence of funding shortfalls, political attacks, and outmoded legal authority, setting the stage for ineffective enforcement and unsupervised industry self-regulation. From the Deepwater Horizon spill in the Gulf of Mexico that killed eleven and caused grave environmental and economic damage, to the worst mining disaster in 40 years at the Big Branch mine in West Virginia with a death toll of 29, the signs of regulatory dysfunction abound. Peanut paste tainted by salmonella, lead-paint-coated toys, sulfur-infused Chinese dry wall, oil refinery explosions, degraded pipes at U.S. nuclear power plants: At the bottom of each well-publicized event is an agency unable to do its job and a company that could not be relied upon to put the public interest first.

    Although everyone should be able to agree that these events are intolerable to the extent they are preventable, thoughtful analysis is too often sidetracked by the nation’s polarized debate over the role of government in our daily lives. Conservative commentators argue that accidents like the Gulf spill are the inevitable byproducts of industrialization, daunting in the best of times but having little to do with government failure. They say that over-regulation is a far more serious problem than under-regulation because bureaucrats run-amok are hobbling the country’s long-delayed recovery from a devastating world-wide recession. Progressive commentators  respond that one of the government’s most important jobs is to prevent industry from trading safety for profit, by compelling manufacturers to install redundant, fail-safe mechanisms to protect public health and the environment. Spills, explosions, unchecked carbon emissions, tainted drugs, and unhealthy air pollution represent chronic failures by government to forbid conduct that lies in the mainstream of business as usual. 

    During his presidential campaign, Barack Obama seemed to subscribe to the progressive view, declaring that the role of government is to help people when they cannot help themselves and raising the strong expectation that he would sponsor affirmative reform to prevent the damage produced by the sharper edges of a capitalist economy.

  • May 20, 2011

    Large, crafty American corporations helped cause the nation’s Great Recession, and then many of them got bailed out by taxpayers. Very few of those corporations – think Goldman Sachs – have been held accountable for their actions. So maybe it’s not surprising that corporations and their lobbyists are quickly back to their tired machinations of doing everything to solidify the status quo, which means free reign to make gobs of money by bilking consumers and hobbling the rights workers while remaining above the law.

    Take for example the hue-and-cry emanating from rightwing lawmakers and pundits over the National Labor Relations Board’s (NLRB) recent decision to lodge a complaint against Boeing for appearing to retaliate against workers at its Washington State plant once they announced plans to strike. Part of the complaint accuses of Boeing of establishing a nonunion production outfit in South Carolina to retaliate against the unionized workers in Washington State.

    The NLRB is an independent agency charged with enforcing the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA), which makes it illegal for corporations to retaliate or discriminate against workers who engage in lawful activity, such as striking. A trial before an Administration Law Judge is set for June. But the rightwing and its enablers in Congress have launched a tirade against the NLRB, including threats to demolish the agency.

    American Rights at Work Executive Director Kimberly Freeman Brown notes in this post for The Hill’s Congress Blog, “Regardless of the facts, GOP legislators are using the case as an excuse to advance their ongoing attack on the NLRB. Politicians like Rep. Phil Roe (R-Tenn.), Rep. Tom Price (R-Ga.), and Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) have made repeated attempts to defund and dismantle the agency, and this is just the latest opportunity to do the work of their corporate donors by tearing down protections for workers.”

    The Boeing case is yet another effort of rightwing policymakers to trample obstacles in the way of corporations from expanding their power at the expense of consumers and workers. As Rolling Stone’s Matt Taibbi notes in a recent article, “The People vs. Goldman Sachs,” a comprehensive report from Sen. Carl Levin and a subcommittee lays out the brutal facts: Goldman Sachs stole “more money than most people can rationally conceive of, from their own customers,” and then went before the Senate “took an oath before Congress, and lied about it.”

    In a recent editorial, The New York Times said the NLRB’s action against Boeing “is a welcome effort to defend workers’ rights to collective bargaining.”

    “At the very least,” the editorial concluded, “this case will shed light on the business strategies employed by a powerful company to resist unionization.”

  • April 20, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Douglas A. Kysar, Joseph M. Field ‘55 Professor of Law at Yale Law School and the author of Regulating from Nowhere: Environmental Law and the Search for Objectivity. ACS recently hosted a panel discussion centered on Kysar’s book. Watch video of the event here, and a short video interview with Kysar following the event here.


    In one of the most, er, hotly anticipated cases of its term, the Supreme Court yesterday heard arguments in the climate change nuisance suit of Connecticut v. American Electric Power. From the beginning of this litigation, pundits have questioned the plaintiffs’ decision to seek injunctive relief gradually abating the defendants’ greenhouse gas emissions. To critics, this form of relief – as opposed to, say, monetary damages – seems to highlight the complex and value-laden aspects of climate change as a policy problem, making judges more likely to dismiss the suit as lying beyond the ken of the judicial branch.

    Yesterday morning’s argument confirmed the pundits’ view, as even reliably liberal justices like Ruth Bader Ginsburg greeted the plaintiffs’ claims with palpable skepticism. Justice Ginsburg’s money quote, which is being cited around the blogosphere, came when she told the plaintiffs that their prayer for relief “sounds like the kind of thing EPA does.” Justice Kagan quickly piled on: “It sounds like the paradigmatic thing that administrative agencies do rather than courts.” Justice Breyer, ever the policy wonk, wondered aloud whether “the courts [can] set a tax” because, in his words, from “what I get from reading, these [carbon taxes] might be the best way to deal with the problem.”  (Answer: Courts set implicit harm taxes every day in the form of monetary tort awards. Bonus Answer: The Clean Air Act might well be a great way to deal with the problem, as the benefits of emissions permits have been oversold and the likelihood of a carbon tax passing Congress is nil).  For her part, Justice Sotomayor was nowhere to be found since she had recused herself from the case, even though she would have been within ethical guidelines to stay involved.

    With friends like these, environmentalists might be forgiven for asking themselves, who needs Scalia?  Well, actually, even the reliably conservative Justice Scalia surprised observers this morning with just how conservative he could be. Throughout the oral argument, Scalia brazenly asked the electric utilities’ lawyer for suggestions on how to use this case to prevent climate change tort suits in both federal and state courts. (Answer: There is no appropriate way because the question of state common law climate change claims has not been raised in the present suit).  

    So is there any good news for environmentalists and other progressives from yesterday's argument?