Balkinization

  • May 30, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The arguments lodged against the health care law’s minimum coverage provision have been described by constitutional law experts as radically libertarian or terribly misguided. But during oral argument before the Supreme Court, the right-wing bloc, led by Justice Antonin Scalia appeared eager to endorse the challengers’ arguments against an integral provision of the Affordable Care Act. We’ll likely know sometime in June whether the high court’s conservative wing was indeed persuaded by the challengers’ arguments.

    In a guest post for Balkinization, Rob Weiner, a partner at Arnold & Porter LLP, provides greater detail to the attacks on the health care law’s minimum coverage provision writing they “reflect an effort to codify nostalgia as legal doctrine.” 

    The “most obvious throwback” is the liberty argument, Weiner says. Opponents of the health care law attack the minimum coverage provision as a serious affront to liberty. The minimum coverage provision will require some Americans starting in 2014 to purchase a minimum amount of health care insurance.

    The affront to liberty, Weiner writes “is the right not to obtain insurance – by any other name, freedom to contract.”

    In the Supreme Court’s 1905 Lochner v New York opinion, the majority held that the freedom to contract was “part of the liberty of the individual protected by the Fourteenth Amendment of the Federal Constitution.” Weiner notes that Lochner thus barred New York from regulating conditions of some workers. And in its 1923 Adkins v. Children’s Hospital opinion, the Court relied on this so-called freedom to contract to protect employers from adhering to the minimum wage law.

  • October 6, 2010
    Ohio State University Moritz College of Law professor Douglas A. Berman explores a "classic constitutional line-drawing problem," represented by the Eighth Amendment's ban against "cruel and unusual punishment." Berman, scheduled to participate in the Oct. 8 panel, "Punishment and the Constitution," at tomorrow's symposium at the Florida State University College of Law in Tallahassee, writes that "most punishments must be constitutionally sound, yet courts must find that at least a few punishments cross the ethereal line that demarcates a sanction as unconstitutionally ‘cruel and unusual.' The line drawing, he contends, has "proven especially confounding to the Supreme Court."

    Berman continues:

    The Court's jurisprudence has been assailed by a very broad array of commentators, including even the current Chief Justice. Complaints about the Court's work reflect a wide range of (sometimes competing) concerns: some assert that the Justices are too ready to second-guess the punishment choices of state legislatures, while others contend they show too much deference to these choices; some assail the Court's commitment to so-called proportionality review, while others call for a more robust review based on concepts of proportionality; some suggest that the Court now invests too much time and energy reviewing death sentences and too little reviewing other types of sentences.

    "The Constitution in 2020: The Future of Criminal Justice," is sponsored by the FSU law school and ACS and "is one of a series of academic events connected to the Constitution in 2020 project," as Yale Law School professor Jack Balkin notes at Balkinization. Participants in the conference have provided guest blog posts for Balkinzation, which can be found here and here. The convention, opening tomorrow with a keynote address by Stephen B. Bright, head of the Southern Center for Human Rights, can be watched live on the Web by clicking here.