Detainee treatment

  • March 1, 2012
    BookTalk
    Cheating Justice
    How Bush And Cheney Attacked The Rule Of Law, Plotted To Avoid Prosecution, And What We Can Do About It
    By: 
    Cynthia L. Cooper and Elizabeth Holtzman

    By Cynthia L. Cooper, an award-winning journalist and lawyer, and Elizabeth Holtzman, a lawyer, former prosecutor and former member of Congress who served on the House committee that investigated Watergate.


    When President George W. Bush and his team left office, mounds of misdeeds were left to fester. Some of their transgressions in office were so shocking – lying to Congress in order to embroil the nation in war and occupation, illegally wiretapping Americans without warrants, authorizing torture that had been outlawed by U.S. and international law – that he and Vice President Cheney probably should have been impeached and removed from office.

    Instead, they completed their terms and sped away. Even though Bush publicly announced in his 2010 memoir that he had personally authorized waterboarding, a recognized form of torture  -- “Damn right,” he is quoted as saying – hardly a peep was heard about seeking accountability. But how can that be? Key to preserving our democracy is the concept that no person is above the law.

    In order to ignite a national conversation on the topic, we set out to show how and why the president and vice president should be held accountable – especially, how they can be prosecuted. That meant looking at the available evidence, investigating precisely what laws are implicated and determining, as best as possible, whether a prima facie case could be made. We found enough to make a courageous prosecutor sit up and take notice, although the statute of limitations is ticking in some areas. We found clear problems under laws related to the conspiracy to deceive Congress, foreign intelligence surveillance and U.S. anti-torture laws – each of which needs prosecutorial attention.

    Along the way, we found something else disturbing, too: a repeated pattern by which Bush and Cheney took extraordinary efforts to protect themselves from the sting of the law. In Cheating Justice: How Bush and Cheney Attacked the Rule of Law, Plotted to Avoid Prosecution – And What We Can Do About It, we look at both: how the ex-president and vice-president can be held personally accountable, but, also, how they tried to manipulate the system from inside to keep themselves from being held to account.

    Perhaps the most startling example of their extraordinary actions was the gutting of the War Crimes Act of 1996. 

  • January 18, 2012
    Guest Post

    Editor’s Note: This piece first appeared at The Huffington Post on Jan. 11, the ten-year anniversary of the opening of the military prison at Guantánamo Bay.


    By Gary Isaac, Counsel, Mayer Brown LLP, and an Advisory Board member for the American Constitution Society's Chicago Lawyer Chapter. Mr. Isaac is also a contributor to The Guantánamo Lawyers: Inside A Prison Outside The Law.


    Today's an anniversary, but there's no reason to celebrate. Ten years ago the first detainees were brought to Guantanamo Bay. Guantanamo has undermined American values and jeopardized our national security for a decade -- that's long enough. So I've joined a group of retired military officers and habeas attorneys calling for Guantanamo's immediate closure. We've launched www.closeguantanamo.org and have initiated a petition urging President Obama to honor the commitment he made, on his second day in office, to close the prison.

    Signatories to our Mission Statement include Col. Lawrence Wilkerson, Chief of Staff to former Secretary of State Colin Powell; Gen. David M. Brahms (Ret.); Rear Adm. Donald J. Guter (Ret.); Rear Adm. John D. Hutson (Ret.); Col. Morris Davis, former chief prosecutor for the Military Commissions at Guantanamo; retired federal Judge John J. Gibbons, who argued the first Guantanamo case in the Supreme Court; along with many other colleagues who've been involved in the Guantanamo litigation.

    Over half the prisoners still at Guantanamo were cleared for release years ago, by an Obama Administration task force made up of the top intelligence and law enforcement officials in the nation. Some were cleared previously by the Bush Administration -- as long ago as 2004. These men are hardly the "worst of the worst" -- they're simply politically inconvenient.

  • January 11, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Stephen I. Vladeck, professor of law and associate dean for scholarship at American University Washington College of Law.


    Near the end of her majority opinion in Latif v. Obama (the most recent decision by the D.C. Circuit in the Guantánamo habeas litigation), Judge Janice Rogers Brown offered the following observation:

    As the dissenters warned and as the amount of ink spilled in this single case attests, [the Supreme Court’s] airy suppositions [in Boumediene v. Bush] have caused great difficulty for the Executive and the courts. . . . Boumediene fundamentally altered the calculus of war, guaranteeing that the benefit of intelligence that might be gained—even from high-value detainees—is outweighed by the systemic cost of defending detention decisions. While the court in Boumediene expressed sensitivity to such concerns, it did not find them “dispositive.” Boumediene’s logic is compelling: take no prisoners. Point taken.

    For reasons that I elaborate upon below, Judge Brown’s disturbing lament provides an unfortunately appropriate epigraph to mark the tenth anniversary of the detention of non-citizens without trial at Guantánamo.

    Let’s begin with Judge Brown’s suggestion that the “airy suppositions” in Boumediene “have caused great difficulty for the Executive and the courts.” Because the Boumediene Court left the details of habeas review to the lower courts, the only “airy supposition” to which she can be referring is the underlying requirement that the federal courts provide detainees at Guantánamo with a meaningful opportunity to contest the legality of their detention before a neutral decision-maker. Never mind that, according to the Boumediene majority, it is the Constitution itself that requires such an opportunity; as a pure policy matter, why shouldn’t we want the government to have to explain the basis for holding individuals for 10 years or longer without ordinary adjudications of their guilt (or, at the very least, of their ongoing dangerousness)?

    The answers Judge Brown suggests are because such adjudications (1) interfere with the Executive Branch; and (2) “cause[] great difficulty” for the courts. To the former, that certainly isn’t the position of the Obama administration. Indeed, one could perhaps argue that judicial review bolsters such detention by lending a judicial imprimatur to detention in cases in which the government prevails in the courts. Whether or not that’s a convincing rejoinder, though, Judge Brown offers no explanation for how judicial review otherwise interferes with the Executive Branch in any way more burdensome than requiring it to provide minimal evidence satisfying a fairly broad detention standard (especially under the D.C. Circuit’s case law) behind closed doors. One need look no further than the Latif decision itself to see the pains to which the courts have gone to keep sensitive information out of the public record, and there are to date no documented examples of sensitive information being improperly disclosed in the context of the Guantánamo habeas litigation.

  • January 4, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Apparently consumed by what Rolling Stone’s Matt Taibbi calls the “most meaningless national election we’ve ever had,” the recent enactment of the National Defense Authorization Act, a sweeping law that some constitutional experts argue poses grave dangers to civil liberties, has garnered limited attention from the media.

    In a three-part series for the People’s Blog for the Constitution, Shahid Buttar, in a Q-and-A format, explains why the NDAA, which President Obama signed at the end of December, deserves far more attention for its possible detrimental effects on civil liberties. (The bill does more than authorize billions in military spending, $662 billion to be exact. It also, as Buttar explains, provides the executive branch with potentially far-reaching powers to detain Americans suspected of terrorism-related activities. In signing the bill, Obama maintained he would never authorize indefinite military detention of Americans citizens, and that he would not feel compelled to try all suspects in military tribunals, as the law authorizes. Buttar’s exhaustive series, however, explains why such assurances are wobbly.)

    Buttar, executive director of the Bill of Rights Defense Committee, in his first blog post, “The NDAA: Another assault in the dead of night,” blasts Congress for supporting, with passage of the NDAA, “indefinite military detention of even US citizens.” The version that Obama signed into law contains provisions that only appear to limit the law’s reach, Buttar writes.

    “Apologists for the NDAA,” Buttar states, “forget that laws remain fixed until changed, beyond the terms of particular officials who write them. And the ambiguity created by the law could be construed by future Presidents (or their advisors) to confer dramatic, sweeping powers to detain US citizens without a right to trial or Due Process. In the wrong hands, it could be used as a powerful tool to suppress dissent, with predictably catastrophic consequences.”

  • December 21, 2011

    by Nicole Flatow

    Following Congress’s enactment of the National Defense Authorization Act with some tweaks to the detainee provisions, the White House put out a statement that President Obama’s advisers would no longer recommend he veto the law.

    Most have viewed this as an indirect announcement from Obama himself that the veto is off the table. But the Brennan Center for Justice’s Elizabeth Goitein reminds Obama in a column for The Hill that he alone will make the decision, and that it’s not too late to “reject this historic affront to our liberty and our security.”

    “It would be extraordinary for the president to change course now,” writes Goitein, co-director of the Brennan Center’s Liberty and National Security. “But to sign a bill that permits the indefinite detention of U.S. citizens without charge, erects pointless barriers to law enforcement’s counterterrorism efforts, and requires the detention of innocent people would be even more extraordinary.”

    Disappointment among civil libertarians has been widespread, with the Center for Constitutional Rights saying Obama has made a “choice with chilling consequences” and Human Rights Watch’s Kenneth Roth warning, "By signing this defense spending bill, President Obama will go down in history as the president who enshrined indefinite detention without trial in US law."

    Georgetown University Law Professor David Cole explains in The New York Review of Books why the bill, even as amended, “continues to contain extraordinarily dangerous principles”: