Oklahoma State Question 755

  • May 25, 2011

    State lawmakers pushing measures to prohibit courts from citing religious or international laws in controversies before them are fueling anti-Muslim fervor and revealing great disdain for the U.S. Constitution, write Daniel Mach and Jamil Dakwar in an article for Religion News Service (RNS).

    Mach, director of the ACLU’s program on Freedom of Religion and Belief, and Dakwar, director of the ACLU’s Human Rights Program, note that Oklahoma is not the only state that is trying to constrain courts’ ability to do their jobs. It may be one of the worst, however. The state’s constitutional amendment barring judges from citing Islamic, or Shariah, law and international law in their opinions has been temporarily block by a federal court, the two note.

    Mach and Dakwar write:

    The Oklahoma law, and others like it, contains prohibitions on “international law” and foreign law,” nonsensically conflating Shariah with foreign law. Other states, preferring not to wear their bigotry on their sleeves, don’t mention Shariah law per se, instead referring only to bans on “international law.” There intent, however, is unmistakable.

    In addition to the ugly implication that anything Islamic is inherently un-American, these efforts are rooted in baseless idea that U.S. Muslims wish to impose Islamic law on American courts. Proponents of these misguided measures, which have been introduced in a 25 states so far, clearly seek to ride the recent wave of anti-Muslim bias in this country.

    The two point out, however, that the U.S. Supreme Court has long held that “the domestic law of the United States recognizes law of nations.” They continue, “Legislation that forbids courts from considering international or foreign law raise serious questions about the separation of powers and the independence of courts and judges.”

    They conclude in their article, “If supporters of these measures genuinely wish to protect the Constitution, they would do well to trust the framers’ respect for international law and religious freedom – and not trade away our most precious values for political advantage.”

    Also see a recent report from the ACLU called, "Noting to Fear: Debunking the Mythical 'Sharia Threat' to Our Judicial System."

    Earlier this year, Northeastern University School of Law Professor Martha F. Davis and Loyola University New Orleans College of Law Assistant Professor Johanna Kalb examined the impact of such state efforts in an ACS Issue Brief. In a guest post for ACSblog, Davis observed, “Since citations of Shariah law and international law are hardy rampant in state courts – indeed, no Oklahoma court has ever relied on Shariah law – legislators pursuing these measures are either deliberately wasting valuable legislative time or they have some other purpose.”

    The ACS Issue Brief, “Oklahoma State Question 755 and an Analysis of Anti-International Law Initiatives,” is available here.

  • March 8, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Marc Stern, Associate General Counsel for Legal Advocacy, American Jewish Committee (AJC).
    Notwithstanding a district court's wholly predictable -- and correct -- entry of a preliminary injunction banning implementation of Oklahoma's ban on the judicial invocation of Sharia and foreign law in deciding cases, the legislatures of roughly a dozen additional states are now considering broader versions of the anti-Sharia proposal. These proposals, although differing in details, would eliminate the most evidently unconstitutional feature of Oklahoma's provision -- its singling out of one faith for condemnation, see Larson v. Valente -- but generally would ban state courts from considering any religious law in decision-making. They would also ban invocation of foreign law, eliminating commercial parties' ability to bind themselves to another nation's laws, a ubiquitous feature of international business contracts.

    These laws are at one level superfluous. (Law professor Martha F. Davis, co-author of a recent ACS Issue Brief on the matter, writes that because citations of Shariah law and international law "are hardly rampant in state courts" that lawmakers are either "wasting valuable time or they have some other purpose.") No American court can compel citizens (other, than in some circumstances, religious institutions as regards internal governance) to abide by religious law. Paradoxically, these proposals would add nothing to the ample protection the Constitution already affords against coerced religious adjudications, but would be an obstacle to its consideration in the one case in which courts insist that church law governs -- internal church disputes.

    A further paradox -- some would say hypocrisy -- is that the advocacy of these laws comes from groups on the far fringes of evangelical Protestantism, like the American Center for Law & Justice, groups which are not at all shy about pressing government to prefer Christian ideas and expression over all others. (Think of support for the use of a Christian cross as a war memorial for all American soldiers killed in America's wars, including non-Christians).

    This second round of anti-Sharia law proposals solve the problem of singling out Sharia law by banning a wide spectrum of religious law from the courts, including, under an Arizona bill, karma. (To judge from a recent New York Times article, the latter may upset trial lawyers, who seem to have a commitment to such practices.) And by banning foreign law, the category of that which is prohibited is broader than just religious law, perhaps just broad enough to qualify as a neutral law of general applicability, which would pass constitutional muster under the unfortunate decision of Employment Division v. Smith, as a ban on religious law alone would not.

  • February 14, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Martha F. Davis, Associate Dean for Clinical and Experiential Education and Faculty Director of the Program on Human Rights and Global Economy, Northeastern University School of Law. Davis is also co-author of the recent ACS Issue Brief, "Oklahoma State Question 755 and an Analysis of Anti-International Law Initiatives."


    Last November, Oklahoma voters approved an amendment to their state constitution that would bar state judges from considering international and foreign law, including Shariah Law.

    Quickly enjoined by a federal district court because it violates the first amendment, the electoral success of Oklahoma's provision has nevertheless triggered a wave of copy-cat proposals in states across the country, from Arkansas to Wyoming.

    Since citations of Shariah law and international law are hardly rampant in state courts - indeed, no Oklahoma court has ever relied on Shariah law - legislators pursuing these measures are either deliberately wasting valuable legislative time or they have some other purpose.

    One possibility is that these proposals are simply veiled attacks on the judiciary. Certainly, by associating state court judges with Shariah law and international law, they engage in a post-9/11 form of red-baiting: the measures paint a picture of state judges who are both unprincipled and disloyal to the U.S., favoring international litigants and supporting terrorists through domestic enforcement of Shariah law. Lawyers and the educated public should know that it's an absurd picture in light of the extensive vetting given state judges before they take office; whatever their faults, none of these judges are foreign agents and terrorist sympathizers - and if they were, they would surely be engaged in activities far less obvious than citing Shariah law in a few common law cases.

    Still, this broadside attack will inevitably have a chilling effect on state court judges, perhaps discouraging them from even traveling abroad and engaging in cross-border dialogue with foreign judges lest they risk accusations of "considering" foreign legal systems in their decisions. It is through this "chill" that proponents of these measures hope to reinforce notions of American exceptionalism, i.e., the idea that U.S. courts have nothing to learn from their international counterparts.

  • January 12, 2011
    The fevered effort to bar judges from citing foreign or international law is misguided, uninformed and a threat to democracy, authors of a new ACS Issue Brief assert.

    In "Oklahoma State Question 755 and An Analysis of Anti-International Law Initiatives," (pdf) law professors Martha F. Davis and Johanna Kalb write that Congress and state lawmakers are increasingly considering measures to prohibit judges from citing international law in unnecessary attempts apparently rooted in "a perceived need to defend Christian values, concern about state/federal sovereignty, fear of judicial activism, and belief in American exceptionalism." The authors cite the recent ballot measure called Question 755 approved in the fall by Oklahoma voters that states, "The courts shall not look to the legal precepts of other nations or cultures. Specifically, the courts shall not consider international or Sharia Law." Apparently in Oklahoma some lawmakers and religious right advocacy groups were concerned about a "takeover of Oklahoma by Islamic extremists who want to undo America from inside out." (The measure is currently facing a constitutional challenge in court.)

    Similar measures to bar citation or consideration of foriegn authorities have also been advanced in Congress and other state legislatures, such as Arizona, Iowa and South Carolina.  

    But Davis, a law professor at Northeastern University Law School, and Kalb, a law professor at Loyola University College of Law, write that the concerns motivating such measures are unfounded and could lead to laws that violate the U.S. Constitution, and seriously disrupt the nation's international commitments.

    The Constitution, the authors note for example, states that "treaties are the Supreme Law of the Land," and that state constitutions "almost always explicitly or implicitly acknowledge the binding nature of ratified treaties."

    "The prominence," the authors continue, "accorded to treaties in both the Federal and state constitutions reflects the understanding that ‘if the United States [is] to bargain effectively, the national government must not only have the power to conclude treaties but to compel states to observe them.'"

    And just one state's "refusal to permit its courts to enforce the United States' international obligations puts the entire nation's credibility at risk, with potentially devastating results for the country's ability to protect its citizens and businesses," the authors write. "On a wide range of matters, from the detection and prevention of terrorism to the regulation of trade and monetary policy to the protection of the environment, the success of the United States' efforts depends upon its ability to follow through on its international commitments."

    Moreover, the authors note a long tradition of American courts citing international and foreign authorities.

    "In fact," they write, "citation of international and foreign law is a venerable practice in the U.S. judicial system, dating back to the founding period. A majority of the U.S. Supreme Court has continued this practice in recent years, sometimes in cases that concern hotly debated issues of law and public policy."

    Even Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, who has groused about his colleagues' use of foreign authorities in their decisions, has taken the approach. As noted by Scott Lemieux at the blog Lawyers, Guns and Money, Scalia recently cited a House of Lords opinion in a dissent. "Seriously," Lemieux writes, "there is of course nothing the slightest bit objectionable about citing a foreign court as part of a larger argument about American law. This whole 'citing foreign law' controversy, which Scalia has at times attempted to stoke, is just culture war rube-running, invoked solely to argue against outcomes people disagree with for independent reasons."