Originalism

  • May 1, 2012

    by John Schachter

    Jonah Goldberg’s online tongue-in-cheek, ironic, satirical humor column on The Washington Post website this past weekend suffers from one major flaw: it’s apparently not intended to be tongue-in-cheek, ironic, satirical or humorous. Oh, well.

    Goldberg tackles, as he puts it, the “top five clichés that liberals use to avoid real arguments.” We’ll get to that part of the column in a moment.

    But first Goldberg opens by criticizing “mainstream liberals from Franklin Roosevelt to Barack Obama -- and the intellectuals and journalists who love them” for claiming to be “dispassionate slaves to the facts; they are realists, pragmatists, empiricists.” Liberals, he claims, insist that “if only their Republican opponents weren’t so blinded by ideology and stupidity, then they could work with them.”

    Let’s take a look at the facts. (Yes, we know Goldberg and his ilk don’t like when – cliché alert! – facts get in the way of a good argument. Wasn’t it Sen. Jon Kyl’s (R-Ariz.) spokesman who, when challenged on a ridiculously inaccurate statement Kyl used in a floor speech, insisted that Kyl’s comments and statistics were “not intended to be a factual statement”? Should we at least give him credit for at least admitting this distaste for facts?)

    Despite ALL the evidence to the contrary, many Republicans continue to believe that President Obama was not born in the United States.Polling in March 2012 – nearly a year after the White House released the president’s long-form birth certificate, which should have ended, once and for all, the ridiculous “debate” – found that large percentages of Republicans in three key primary states still doubted the facts.

  • April 24, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    From time to time, perhaps once a decade, syndicated columnist George Will can say or write something that does more than trumpet right-wing talking points. A recent piece on the Supreme Court’s consideration of whether sentencing juveniles to prison with no chance of parole violates the Constitution is an example.

    Writing about cases involving juveniles who were sentenced to life in prison for crimes they committed when they were 14, Will says the judges involved had “no discretion to impose any other” sentences, and that such mandatory sentencing bars courts from taking into consideration our “society’s sense of cruelty.” This kind of thinking, however, as Will notes can undercut so-called originalism, a method of interpreting the Constitution favored by conservative judges. Toward the end of his column, Will writes that “even the ‘originalist’ Scalia, although disposed to construe the Constitution’s terms as they were understood when ratified, would today proscribe some late-18th-century punishments, such as public lashing and branding.”

    Instead of obsessively trying to figure out what the Constitution’s framers thought when they crafted the document, competent judges today consider societal developments, which are informed by science. In fact, Will writes that the high court “has accommodated what science teaches.” He cites high court opinions from 2005 and 2010 that took into account studies on the differences between youngsters and adults in limiting the use of the death penalty in cases involving juveniles.

    In 2005’s Roper v. Simmons, the justices relied in part on the differences between children and adults in concluding that the death penalty would not be imposed for crimes committed by those under 18, and later in Graham v. Florida that life sentences without parole would not be dealt to juveniles convicted of non-homicide crimes.

    Will argues that the social science should be relied on by the high court in finding that teenagers committed of violent crimes, including homicide, should not be imprisoned forever. “Denying juveniles even a chance for parole defeats the penal objective of rehabilitation,” Will writes.

    In a March 13 guest post for ACSblog law professor Kristin Henning also notes that scientific research “on adolescent development bolsters the commonsense understanding that teenagers lack self-control, are vulnerable to environmental pressures, and have fewer life experiences on which to draw in evaluating the consequences of their actions.”

  • December 20, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The dominance of a conservative legal orthodoxy might not be as solid as portrayed by several panelists at a recent Brookings Institution event about the “Conservative Legal Movement and the Future of Liberal Jurisprudence.”

    Pamela S. Karlan, a distinguished law professor at Stanford Law School, explained why many perceive the conservative legal movement as dominating the narrative of the Constitution, while William E. Forbath, a distinguished law professor and professor of history at the University of Texas, focused on sharpening a liberal response to the conservatives’ narrative of the Constitution primarily meant to protect individual interests, such as private property. Forbath also examined the Constitution’s promise of economic security and equality.

    Karlan (pictured), an ACS Board member, took exception with the overall tilt of the Brookings event that conservative legal activists have outmaneuvered liberals in advancing legal theories. Karlan, however, also leveled criticism of liberals who are cowed into silence or into dubbing themselves progressives.

    But first Karlan noted the circumstances, with which conservatives have seized upon to advance their legal precepts.

    “Today it is tempting to tell a story about the rise of the conservative legal movement as the inevitable consequence of a combination of strong ideas pressed by charismatic public figures, backed by tremendous resources,” Karlan said. “To be sure, conservatives have very skillfully played the hand that they held. But contingency has played a major role too.

    “If you go to the Brookings’ website to look for its description of the conference today, you’ll see the description that says ‘the conservative legal movement has shown remarkable success at defining the terms of the debate over jurisprudence, while various visions of liberal theories of law that confront conservative orthodoxy have struggled to gain currency in the political sphere. Conservative legal theorists have coalesced around a relatively compact and politically effective set of ideas while their liberal critics have offered a diverse series of responses.”

    Continuing, Karlan said, “Now if some other public policy organization were to have held a conference in say 1968, it could have taken the same paragraph, swapped the words ‘conservative’ and ‘liberal’ and held a parallel discussion to the one were going to be holding today.”

    Conservatives Karlan maintained, “Have been as lucky as they’ve been smart.” A few tweaks to history, she said, and the landscape would likely look really different.

  • November 22, 2011

    by Nicole Flatow

    ”I’m here as the official representative of the dark side,” Rutgers University law professor Earl Maltz said during a recent event commemorating the landmark gender equality Supreme Court decision Reed v. Reed.

    Maltz does not think Reed was righty decided, because, per his “originalist” approach, the drafters of the Fourteenth Amendment did not contemplate that the equal protection provision would prohibit sex discrimination.

    But U.S. Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the featured speaker at the event, had an answer for Maltz’s brand of originalism, highlighted by ABC News.

  • November 10, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    As the Supreme Court justices near a decision on whether to grant review of a legal challenge to the Obama administration’s landmark health care reform law, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, a potentially persuasive path for addressing the matter has emerged for the high court’s conservative wing, Simon Lazarus writes for Slate.

    Lazarus, public policy counsel for the National Senior Citizens Law Center, takes a closer look at this week’s opinion from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, noting that the majority opinion written by Reagan-appointee Judge Laurence H. Silberman “directly confronted the challenge to the individual mandate [the ACA’s integral provision requiring individuals to carry health care insurance starting in 2014], and rejected it outright. That’s a formidable statement from a conservative icon – and a warning shot to the justices of the Supreme Court.”

    Silberman’s opinion has grabbed attention because of his conservative bona fides, but Lazarus says the real power behind it rests on the methodology used to dismantle opponents’ arguments against the law.