Paul Clement

  • March 29, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Fazal Khan, a law professor at the University of Georgia specializing in health law. Professor Khan has both law and medical degrees. This post is part of an ACSblog online symposium on oral argument in HHS v. Florida.


    On Wednesday afternoon the Supreme Court heard oral arguments on whether the states can challenge the federal government’s expansion of Medicaid. Representing 26 states that oppose ACA in its entirety, former Solicitor General Paul Clement went first claiming that the federal government is “coercing” states to accept this unwanted expansion of Medicaid. As expected, the “liberal” justices pounced on Paul Clement’s central argument. Whereas Clement seemed very cocksure Tuesday arguing against the minimum coverage provision, on Wednesday he was not as deft in parrying the skeptical attacks from the justices, including Antonin Scalia and the chief justice.

    Clement did regain his poise at the end during a strongly delivered (yet still substantively weak) rebuttal. Solicitor General Don Verrilli bounced back admirably after what can be fairly described as a difficult day on Tuesday. He was much more assertive and confident in pushing back against the “conservative” justices and possessed a strong command of the history of Medicaid and previous mandatory expansions of the program which really seem no different than the expansion at issue today.            

  • March 27, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The spin is in on today’s health care law oral arguments – Paul Clement, the attorney for the state’s challenging the law’s minimum coverage provision, is awesome, and the provision is in trouble.

    But, as noted yesterday by constitutional law professor Garrett Epps you’re on wobbly ground when predicting Supreme Court opinions based on oral argument theatrics. Sure, Clement is an outstanding high court litigator -- we’ll take it from SCOTUSblog founder Tom Goldstein who lavished praise on Clement at an oral argument preview last month, calling him one of the greatest attorneys of his generation.

    What we can tell from today’s oral argument is that the Solicitor General Donald Verrilli, Jr., largely focused on Congress’s constitutional authority to regulate interstate commerce. The government has also argued that Congress’s constitutional power to tax and spend also supports the minimum coverage provision. Most of the justices, however, we're glued to the commerce clause question.

    SCOTUSblog’s Lyle Denniston, a veteran Supreme Court correspondent, wrote of today’s oral argument that Justice Anthony Kennedy, “after first displaying a very deep skepticism,” provided toward the end of oral argument “the impression that he might yet be the mandate’s savior."

    Additionally, the high court’s four moderate to left-of-center justices appear inclined to vote in favor of the ACA provision, which requires many to start carrying a minimum amount of health care insurance in 2014.

  • June 27, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Following today’s latest U.S. Supreme Court opinion striking a campaign finance law, a growing number of court-watchers are noting the Court’s tendency to side with corporate interests.

    “There seems to be, according to a growing number of court-watchers, a troubling trend of victories for corporate interests,” ACS Executive Director Caroline Fredrickson said. “For example, critics are already noting that the Supreme Court has ended its latest session with another decision overturning a campaign finance regulation – this time an Arizona law intended to help candidates who forgo private donations.

    “This latest decision undercutting campaign finance regulation,” Fredrickson continued, “follows last year’s Citizens United v. FEC that turned aside longstanding precedent upholding the government’s ability to regulate corporate influence of our elections.”

    She added, “The current high court session also included the decision in Wal-Mart v. Dukes, which shut down the ability of millions of former and current Wal-Mart women workers to band together in class action litigation to challenge alleged discrimination.”

    The high court ruling 5-4 invalidated the Arizona Citizens Clean Elections Act which, in part, provided public dollars to candidates who agreed to limit their personal spending. The majority, led by Chief Justice John Roberts Jr. said, “Laws like Arizona’s matching funds provision that inhibit robust and wide-open political debate without sufficient justification cannot stand.” Roberts was joined by Justices Antonin Scalia, Anthony Kennedy, Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito Jr., the same majority that invalidated campaign finance regulation law in Citizens United v. FEC.

    Justice Elena Kagan, joined by Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer and Sonia Sotomayor, lodged a dissent. Kagan defend programs like Arizona’s writing, it “does not discriminate against any candidate or point of view, and it does not restrict any person’s ability to speak. In fact, by providing resources to many candidates, the program creates more speech and thereby broadens public debate.”

    In a piece for Slate, Paul Clement, former U.S. Solicitor General during a portion of the George W. Bush administration, wrote that it appears “that 5-4 divisions over campaign finance laws are here to stay. The newest justices – Kagan and Sonia Sotomayor – are passionate defenders of such laws.”

    And Clement said the majority “seems undeterred, maybe even energized, by criticism of its First Amendment holdings in the campaign-finance realm. The dissenters seem equally resolute.”

    For more material regarding the high court’s rulings involving corporate interests, see the ACS Web page, “Corporations and The Courts.” This Thursday ACS will host a Supreme Court review at the National Press Club.

  • May 23, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Giovanna Shay, an Associate Professor of Law at Western New England College School of Law


    Today in Brown v. Plata, the Supreme Court in a 5-4 decision affirmed a three-judge court’s order requiring the California Department of Corrections to reduce its prisoner population to within 137.5% of the design capacity of its facilities.  Plata makes clear that the restrictions placed on prisoner release orders by the Prison Litigation Reform Act (PLRA) do not tie judges’ hands when they are faced with unconstitutional conditions that cannot be remedied by other means. 

    The California conditions described in the Plata decision were inhumane by any standard.  Justice Kennedy described them as “exceptional.”  Prisoners were housed in a system that was at 200% of capacity for over a decade.  Because medical and mental health systems could not function due to over-crowding, prisoner deaths were all too common. 

    The remedy in Plata was necessary.  However, the type of over-crowding described in Plata requires, not just conditions litigation, but a criminal punishment overhaul.  Simply put, California needs to lock up fewer people, as does our nation more generally. The Court describes various methods of reducing the prisoner population by releasing prisoners who are not a safety threat. This is a good goal, and in a time of budget crunch, one shared (at least in part) by others across the political spectrum (check out Right on Crime).

    But the big question is how to change our criminal punishment policies to shrink our nation’s network of prisons, the world’s largest. 

  • April 29, 2011

    With much discussion about a supposedly powerful gay lobby bullying one of the nation’s largest law firms into dumping the House Republicans’ effort to defend a federal anti-gay law, Minnesota law professor Dale Carpenter providers another view of the matter writing in a piece for The New York Times that the law firm’s decision to quit the case cannot be “dismissed simply as a matter of political correctness or bullying by gays.”

    After the law firm, King & Spalding, announced earlier this week that it would not defend the constitutionality of the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) on behalf of House Republicans, the attorney tapped to lead the defense, former U.S. Solicitor General Paul Clement, resigned his position and moved to another law firm, taking the DOMA case with him.

    Following Clement’s resignation, the highly thoughtful, articulate and entertaining blogger Andrew Sullivan noted, “To put pressure on lawyers defending clients or laws because lobby groups don’t like them is deeply illiberal. It remains disgusting, for example, that rightwing groups targeted lawyers defending terror suspects and Gitmo prisoners. When the far right did this, it was despicable. Now that the left is doing it, it remains just as despicable.”

    U.S. Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. praised Clement for his action, saying “I think he is doing that which lawyers do when we are at our best. I don’t know what happened between him and King & Spalding, I’m not casting blame. … But I think those who are critical of him for taking that representation, that criticism I think is very misplaced.”

    Professor Carpenter, however, looks at the process by which “Gay-rights supporters have transformed the law and the legal profession, opening the doors of law firms, law schools and courts to people who were once casually and cruelly shut out because of their sexual orientation.”

    Carpenter’s piece also adds:

    No serious case can be made that an institution as powerful as Congress has a right to the services of the biggest law firms and the most credentialed lawyers. The Defense of Marriage Act is not unpopular, and while Congress may be indebted, it is not indigent. A thornier question arises when a firm withdraws from a representation, though in this case the quick withdrawal evidently caused no harm to the client. More troubling is the possibility that a firm might quit because of outside economic pressure rather than principle, though it is unclear whether such pressure played a role in this case.